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» » Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties
Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties e-book

Author:

W. J. Rorabaugh

Language:

English

Category:

Other

Subcategory:

Humanities

ePub size:

1186 kb

Other formats:

rtf lrf docx mbr

Rating:

4.9

Publisher:

Cambridge University Press; 1st Edition edition (September 16, 2002)

Pages:

342

ISBN:

0521816173

Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties e-book

by W. J. Rorabaugh


In his 2002 book Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties, he wrote: "It is possible to argue that the sixties did .

In his 2002 book Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties, he wrote: "It is possible to argue that the sixties did not begin until 1965, when African Americans rioted in Watts and when large numbers of American combat troops were sent to Vietnam, and did not end until 1974 when Richard Nixon resigned, or even 1975, when the North Vietnamese marched into.

This book explores life in America during that brief promising period in the early sixties when John F. Kennedy . The Sixties was a decade of marked political, social, and cultural change. Rorabaugh has taught at the University of Washington in Seattle. Kennedy was the . Kennedy's optimism and charm helped to give promise to the times. At the same time, Cold War frustrations in Cuba and Vietnam worried Americans, while the 1962 Missile Crisis narrowly avoided a nuclear disaster. He is the author of The Alcoholic republic (Oxford, 1979), The Craft Apprentice (Oxford, 1986), and Berkeley at War: The 1960s (Oxford, 1989).

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Автор: W. J. Rorabaugh Название: Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties Издательство: Cambridge . The early Sixties was a period of marked political, social and cultural change which this book relates and discusses.

The early Sixties was a period of marked political, social and cultural change which this book relates and discusses.

This book explores life in America during that brief promising moment in the early Sixties when John F. Kennedy was President. Kennedy's Cold War frustrations in Cuba and Vietnam worried Americans. The 1962 missile crisis narrowly avoided a nuclear disaster. The civil rights movement gained momentum with student sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and crises in Mississippi and Alabama. Martin Luther King, J. emerged as a spokesman for non-violent social change. Betty Friedan began to launch the Women's Movement.

Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties. Coauthors & Alternates. ISBN 9780521816175 (978-0-521-81617-5) Hardcover, Cambridge University Press, 2002. Find signed collectible books: 'Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties'.

It was an "inside out" time, he argues, which unleashed great optimism and creativity, but chaos and uncertainty as well.

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The actual book Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties has a lot associated with on it. So when you read this book you can get a lot of benefit. The book was written by the very famous author. This book very easy to read you will get the point easily after perusing this book. Rorabaugh Read Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties by W. Rorabaugh for online ebook.

In his 2002 book Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties, he wrote: "It is possible to argue that the sixties did not begin until 1965, when African Americans rioted in Watts and when large numbers of American combat troops were sent to Vietnam, and did not end until 1974 when Richard Nixon resigned, or even 1975, when the North Vietnamese marched into.

This book explores life in America during that brief promising period in the early sixties when John F. Kennedy was the U.S. president. Kennedy's optimism and charm helped to give promise to the times. At the same time, Cold War frustrations in Cuba and Vietnam worried Americans, while the 1962 Missile Crisis narrowly avoided a nuclear disaster. Early in the decade, the Civil Rights movement gained momentum through student sit-ins and Freedom Rides. Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a powerful spokesman for non-violent social change and gave his powerful "I Have a Dream" speech at the March on Washington in 1963. The Civil Rights movement proved to be the seedbed for many other movements in the decade. The American family was also undergoing rapid change and Betty Friedan launched what became the Women's Movement in 1963. Culture, too, underwent transformation. The Beat authors Jack Kerouac and Alan Ginsburg gained respectability, Joan Baez and Bob Dylan revived folk music, and Roy Lichtenstein and Andy Warhol produced Pop Art. Ginsberg, Aldous Huxley, Timothy Leary and Ken Kesey began to promote psychedelic drugs. The Sixties was a decade of marked political, social, and cultural change. Since 1976 W.J. Rorabaugh has taught at the University of Washington in Seattle. He is the author of The Alcoholic republic (Oxford, 1979), The Craft Apprentice (Oxford, 1986), and Berkeley at War: The 1960s (Oxford, 1989). Professor Rorabaugh has held fellowships from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Humanities Center, the Newberry Library, the Huntington Library, and the John F. Kennedy Library. He has served on editorial boards for the Journal of Early Republic and the History of Education Quarterly.
Dilmal
Book Review: Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties. By W. J. Rorabaugh. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp 317. ISBN 978-0-7006-1639-8)

If one is looking for a book strictly about the political history of the Kennedy Administration, this is not the right book for you. However, if you are looking for an analysis of change that occurred in America during this narrow slice of time—between the 1950s and November 22, 1963, then you should read Kennedy and the Promise of the Sixties. Rorabaugh’s thesis argues that these “in-between” years are a pronounced pivot point in history, between the conservative and conformist 1950s, and a more liberated and independent-thinking America that became manifest by the mid to late 1960s. His book is less about John F. Kennedy than it is about Americans during the Kennedy years. In that sense, it is a social history of the era, with as many pages on topics like families, art, folk music, the beat generation, and the use of psychedelic drugs, as there are on the Civil Rights Movement and the Cold War.
The author begins with the rise of a young, relatively unknown United States Senator, who confidently casts his hat into the ring for the Democratic Party’s nomination for president. It was early 1960 and Kennedy was the first candidate to do so. He had few real accomplishments during his twelve years in congress. But he was young and ambitious. His greatest assets were his personal charisma, his confidence, and his innovative campaign. Kennedy knew that he could not win the nomination the routine way, by winning over the entrenched, smoke-filled room of party bosses at the National Democratic Convention. This prevailing method insured that the power players controlled the process. Instead he launched his campaign early, and campaigned directly to the voters, and state and local party leaders. With his good looks, charm, and quick wit, he mastered media coverage. This was the first time that television played a key role in electing the nominee, and Kennedy’s style meshed perfectly with this new media format. He won the nomination and narrowly defeated his much more accomplished Republican rival, Richard M. Nixon.
America had experienced unparalleled prosperity in the 1950s. The postwar period had seen real wages grow by fifty percent. American families expanded and migrated to the rapidly developing suburbs. Returning veterans, many of whom took advantage of the G.I. bill and earned college degrees, found good jobs. Most women stayed home, cooked and cleaned the house, and raised the children who would later be called the “baby boomer generation.” The American economy was ascendant and consumerism was pervasive, evidenced by shiny new cars and work-saving appliances. The 1950s then, stood in stark contrast to the miserable decades it preceded—the depression years of the thirties, and the war years of the forties. Americans were ready to leave that era behind, perhaps metaphorically driving off in their new car with their new families while waving good-bye. They had reasons to expect that the 1960s would be the next rung on the ladder. As the 50s turned into the 60s, the youthful and enthusiastic Kennedy “promised” hope, confidence, and continued prosperity for the future.
Yet beneath the façade, 1960 Americans were also deeply troubled. Rorabaugh states that the Cold War and race relations worried Americans. Concerns about communism and the seemingly aggressive posturing of the Soviet Union were alarming. The Soviets had the “bomb” and fears of nuclear war presaged war of unimaginable dimensions, somewhere and sometime soon. The author characterizes the early sixties as the most threatening period during the entire history of the Cold War.
Deep tensions exacerbated when Cuba became allied with the Soviet Union, then reached their peak during the thirteen-day Cuban Missile Crisis, in October, 1962. Diffusing the crisis was arguably the major accomplishment for the short Kennedy Administration. In a sense, the missile crisis was a learning experience, not only for Kennedy, but for future generations of leaders on both sides. Both Khrushchev and Kennedy, humbled by how close they had come to a worldwide nuclear holocaust, realized how little direct control they actually had. Both sought new, more effective ways to communicate.
With the Cold War front and center, the 1960 presidential campaign had focused little attention on domestic politics. So when racial tensions exploded into a major issue, Kennedy was unprepared. Civil rights movements began gaining momentum after the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. While the 1950s gave birth to a new awareness among blacks—and whites—by the early sixties these movements directly challenged the status quo on a much broader scale. When the Freedom Riders launched a frontal assault on desegregation in interstate bus travel in April 1961, they created a national awareness of the race issue. Advances in media technology—especially television—enlightened Americans all over the country. Northerners began to learn of the brutality and other excesses in the Jim Crow South. Initially, John Kennedy delegated much of the race relation problems to his brother Robert F. Kennedy, his Attorney General. But the movement grew in intensity during the early sixties and soon the president was on board. The August 1963 civil rights march on Washington included approximately 250,000 people, about one-fourth white. Martin Luther King delivered his well-known “I Have a Dream” speech and President Kennedy began to fully embrace the Civil Rights Movement. Author Rorabaugh argues, “No other movement in the early sixties had such profound long-term consequences for the United States.” (125)
Rorabaugh gives a fairly thorough analysis on how Americans feelings on social issues evolved during the early sixties. His examination of the growth of the “beat generation” is probably more than one needs to know in so short a book. But it does coincide with an anti-consumerism view held by many. Most importantly, though, the author identifies many nascent movements that found their roots during the early sixties. Subjects, heretofore unmentionable, somehow seemed more open to discussion, seemingly in defiance to the conformist 1950s. The author refers to this as the “private” versus the “public expression” of views. As an example, author Betty Friedan revealed a deep dissatisfaction in the lives of the American housewife. This contradicted the popular view of the happy suburban housewife, endowed with the comforts of a middle-class lifestyle, a suburban home, and a husband with a good job. Friedan’s book The Feminine Mystique was published in 1963. Friedan used thousands of private letters from unhappy housewives, many of whom resented having given up their own identity to become wives and mothers. Friedan went on to found the National Organization for Women (NOW) later in the sixties. Sex, (including homosexuality) was discussed more openly, and “the pill,” which made its debut in the early sixties, ushered in the sexual revolution later in the decade. The Cold War and fear of nuclear Armageddon gave rise to anti-war and anti-nuke movements. It seemed many Americans no longer preferred conforming to society’s norms, or keeping their views private. With a new sense of empowerment, many Americans now freely expressed themselves in ways that just a few years earlier would have been considered taboo.
The “Promise of the Sixties,” which was a natural off-shoot of the 1950s, was merely a “promise” and not a guarantee. Americans moving along from a repressive but prosperous period, and now led by a vibrant and charismatic president, would surely bet on a new decade of even greater fulfillment. But some of the repressed rumblings of earlier years seeped out, or blasted out, into a new era, one in which Americans felt more comfortable expressing themselves. Many of these new expressions grew into maturity as subsequent years and then decades went by. Rorabaugh does an excellent and entertaining job in analyzing the change that occurred during this era. This narrow slice of time when John F. Kennedy was the dominant figure will always represent a special epoch in American history, if for no other reason than its brevity and its “promise,” which was cut short.
Beabandis
The book arrived in no time. It was in perfect condition. I was alerted every step of the way. Very happy and impressed with the overall experience.
Gholbimand
In KENNEDY AND THE PROMISE OF THE SIXTIES, Rorabaugh does a good job of supporting his thesis that the Kennedy administration, though short, was a critical era during which today's postmodern politics, culture, art and literature were born. In politics, it was Kennedy's reliance upon image marketing and private (his father's) money that undid the old backroom deals of the earlier political structure. Also, the civil rights movement came into new prominence in the March on Washington, the women's movement was reborn in its train, Pop Art replaced Abstract Expressionism, and Beat literature and the Folk music boomed.
Rorabaugh credits the Kennedy administration for encouraging a break with the introverted, conformist world of the 50s -- giving tacit permission to a new extrovert culture where how one felt could be more freely expressed. It was an "inside out" time, he argues, which unleashed great optimism and creativity, but chaos and uncertainty as well. He neatly traces the early 1950s rumblings of political and social dissatisfaction against the bland bourgeoisie pursuits of money-making and family raising, showing how that earlier era set the stage for the early 60s explosion of the civil rights movement, and identity politics. He shows how the pursuit of social justice combined with the pursuit of radical non-conformity were tacitly endorsed during that era as an antidote to the anti-communist panics as practiced most famously by McCarthy and Nixon.
But of course there was a darker side to the new "inside out" world Kennedy helped create: image politics were born -- a politics of money and marketing. He points out that Kennedy's platform was not a platform as much as it was a positioning against the previous administration. Kennedy merely promised he would "get the country moving again," talked provocatively of a (non-existent) missile gap. The Kennedy's used the media brilliantly and the media, especially television, used them. For the media recognized in Kennedy a perfect mythic story - Camelot - and could not get enough of Jackie, the kids, and the young president himself. In the photo spreads in LIFE, the White House tours on TV, the era of celebrity politics began.
Rorabaugh is at his best in showing how the myths of the Kennedy image machine served to shield it from criticism then and now. Starting with the Bay of Pigs disaster followed by the Cuban Missile Crisis, Rorabaugh shows how an administration hypnotized by its press-clippings never had any real policies, but reeled from one crisis to the next. Rorabaugh suggests because of the administration's embarrassment in its dealings with Castro and Khrushchev, Kennedy talked tougher and committed more money to supporting the corrupt South Vietnamese government than was necessary or appropriate, and thus laid the groundwork for the disaster in Vietnam as well.
The author also does a good job also of showing how Kennedy's love of intellectual brilliance and as his concentration on surface appearances got him into other kinds of trouble as well. For example, in bringing in from private business such bureaucratic luminaries such as McNamara and the other Whiz Kids, Kennedy set a new tone of technocratic brilliance and efficiency. Ultimately, the Whiz Kids gave bad advice to Kennedy during his two big crises with the communists, and terrible advice to Lyndon Johnson on Vietnam. Rorabaugh notes that Sam Rayburn commented at the time that he found it difficult to work with people who'd never so much as run for sheriff. The Washington of today is similarly filled with powerful unelected actors -- another vexed legacy of the Kennedy era. The difference is now perhaps that these powerful actors are more likely to be lobbyists, less likely to be government employees.
Rorabaugh, though he doesn't spend a lot of time on it, is particularly good on the cultural backdrop of the Kennedy years. Especially impressive is his brief history of the rise of Johns, Warhol, and Rauschenberg against the previous generation of Abstract Expressionists. Celebrating the surface like their president, the pop artists fully embraced the world of mass production and consumerism, celebrating it and taking it for granted in a way that the Abstract Expressionists, steeped in the strictures of the Modernists, never could.
At its best, the book serves to help demystify and put into perspective an era that seems to be recalled these days almost exclusively as hopeful and upbeat, as a kind of prelude to the storm of the "real 60s". Rorabaugh shows that while it was an era that was filled with hope, much of that hope was mere aura created by the myth makers in the White House and an all too willing media. Yes, most of the American people were ready for a new birth of social justice. Yes, the Peace Corp energized a lot of young Americans. But the high tenor of hope generated by the administration, Rorabaugh suggests, was so popular and dominant precisely because it balanced its very real and compelling opposite: the very real fear of nuclear annihilation - a fear which the Kennedy administration's ineptitude almost managed to make real.
On a personal level, I recall as an elementary school kid in the early 60s that both importance of physical fitness and mathematics were strongly emphasized for young people by the administration during those years. Kennedy told us not to ask what our country could do for us, but to ask what we could do for our country. And we wanted to do something for our country. At the same time we learned to clasp our necks (to keep the flying glass from a nuclear explosion from severing an artery) as we balled ourselves up like pill bugs under our little desks. I also recall that more than anything I wanted us to be a family that had a bomb shelter. I recall that somehow I thought that in digging a shelter I would not only help thwart the Russians, but that it would be good exercise, too.

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